The Boundary Case Depositions

AS IS THE CASE in any kind of research, reading the same thing over and over again yields new insights. I’ve probably been through these messy boundary case depositions from 1711 multiple times, but maybe I wasn’t paying full attention.

First of all, the depositions — obtained to settle disputes related to the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina — are first-person accounts from an interesting cadre of individuals. Consider the first, Henry Plumpton, aged 86, who had lived in Virginia for 74 years. Rewind that back, and we learn that Plumpton was born in about 1624 and had been living in Virginia since the mid-1630s. Other depositions are collected from Robert Lawrence, aged 69, Frances Tomes (Thomas), age 77, who emigrated in 1649. These are literally the first generation of British settlers in Virginia.

There are also a number of Indians named. These include:

  • Jenny, daughter of Capt. Pearce, a Wyanoke Indian woman living at Nottoway Town, aged about 60 (born 1650)
  • Betty, another Wyanoke Indian woman living at Nottoway Town, older
  • Mary, another Wyanoke Indian woman living at Nottoway Town, also 60

The Wyanokes once owned all the land from a point on the Roanoke to the Albemarle Sound and up to the Wiccacon River. This land they acquired from the Tuscarora. In fact, three Tuscarora leaders are named:

  • Niccotanwatts or Nicotaw Warr, a Tuscarora king
  • Corranwhankcokek or Corrowhaughkoheh, a Tuscarora king
  • Ervetsahekeh, a Tuscarora queen

Some other Indians named in the depositions are:

  • Nick Major, a headman of the Meherrin, aged about 69 (born about 1640) (note: he says that much of the action related to the Wyanoke, which happened in the 1660s, happened when he was a boy, therefore he might be younger, born say 1650)
  • Thom Green, a Nottoway Indian aged about 75 (born 1635)
  • Great Peter, great man of the Nansemond, aged about 60 (born 1650)
  • Patop, a Wyanoke man who lived at Nansemond Indian Town, who died in 1710
  • James, a Wyanoke man who lived at Nansemond Indian Town, who died in 1710

One aspect that is important here is that there was an Iroquoian name for the Wiccacon River. Jenny Pearce and the other Wyanoke women said that Wiccacon in their language meant, “little river or creek.” But Nick Major said that “their nation” (the Meherrin) called the same river, the Quauraurawke. Thom Green, the Nottoway man interview, said the Nottoway called it Quaurauraughkek. This should put to rest any questions about whether or not the Meherrin were an Iroquoian-speaking people.

Finally, Nick Major’s deposition is interesting. Numerous times, the Pochick Indians are mentioned in the depositions. However, no Pochick person is named, nor is any Pochick town referred to as being in existence by that date, 1710. Major says that the only Indians he were aware of who lived at the junction of the Nottoway and Blackwater were the “Chowan & Nansemond or Pochiack Indians.” He also said he had heard there “were such Indians as ye Yawpins but they lived so farr off that they never saw any of them.”

There is some confusion about who the Pochick Indians really were. In his deposition, Great Peter refers to the “Potkiak Indians” as having killed the Wyanoke king. Why wouldn’t he say Nansemond if his nation had been responsible, or “our nation”?

In her work, Helen Rountree had drawn up the idea of the Christianized Nansemond living at Norfolk, and the traditional Nansemond, who also were called Pochick. But the Pochick might have been just another band of Algonquians, or at least a separate Indian town or entity. In 1669, they were censused as having 30 bowmen in Surry County, while the Nansemond had 45 bowmen in Nansemond County. It’s possible, too, that they were somehow affiliated with the Chowan Indians, who apparently also had towns as far north as the Blackwater River.

It seems to me, that post-contact Algonquian groups were in a constant state of flux. Chiefdoms arose and fell, and groups combined and recombined. They were often defined by place. The “Chowan” lived on the Chowan River. The “Paspatank” lived on the Pasquotank River. The “Nansemond” lived, at first, on the Nansemond River. The “Pochick” lived on what the Algonquians maybe called the Nottoway River, the Pochick.

The Process and the Pochick

8512
A detail from the 1657 Comberford Map. Note the “Pochick River,” apparently describing the Nottoway River.

K13I HAPPEN TO SUFFER from mild colorblindness. This doesn’t mean that I can’t see colors. It means that I have trouble distinguishing similar colors. For this reason, whenever I run admixture tools on GEDmatch, I use Eurogenes K13, because the color spread looks like this.

There are all kinds of ethical questions related to using genetic genealogy tools, especially in regard to Native American ancestry. If we were to search for African ancestors based on these tools, or Central Asian ones, we would probably be given less of a hard time. But since Native American ancestry is not genetically based, there supposedly is no way to “test” for Native American ancestry.

But let’s set those issues aside for a moment. What we do know here, is that if our ancestors are supposedly 100 percent of British Isles ancestry, they should not have any significant amount of genetic ancestry matching reference populations from, say, the American Southwest, or in South America, or Africa for that matter. If you look at the spreadsheet of reference populations on this tool, you will see that, on average, West European populations have an Amerindian signal of less than 1 percent. It’s not until you get into Central Asia where you reach populations that have more than 1 percent — the Uzbeks, Afghans, Tatars, Kyrgyz.

Therefore, finding genetic ancestry called as Amerindian of more than 1 percent using this tool is statistically significant. Second, the genetic profile for different reference populations can be different. The East Greenlander reference is roughly 40 percent Siberian and 40 percent Amerindian. The Karitiana reference from Brazil is 99.6 percent Amerindian.  Indigenous people of the Atlantic Coast probably were somewhere in between. So you might see that signal split between Siberian and Amerindian.

chr4Next, you can actually look at your chromosomes using this same tool using an option called chromosome painting.  Here’s a nice blob of this indigenous admixture on my grandmother’s chromosome 4.

Next, we want to find out who matches her on this part of chromosome 4, and can we identify any potential sources of this indigenous admixture. After all, most of her families have British names, and, as far as were told, came from England, Ireland, Scotland, or Wales. We can see this stretch runs from 28 cm to 31 cm.

I can see, looking at segment matches, that a woman named SVC matches her from 25 cm to 31 cm. The kit is also on AncestryDNA which is very, very helpful. Just a search for her surname among DNA matches pulls up her very extensive tree. She matches on 8 cm on 1 chromosome. This is great, because it shows we don’t descend from multiple genetic ancestors (which you will see in closely related communities). Instead, we are looking at one piece of chromosome — this one.

I can also see, looking at her tree, that there are quite a few familiar names. She descends from the Rogers family of Nansemond County, which is a name I have seen in other people’s trees. But she also has Cross and Pittman in her tree, as do I. So, let’s look at some other matches on this segment. There is another person, ZLR, who matches my grandmother for 9 cm on this same segment, from 23 cm to 30 cm. He also has an AncestryDNA kit, and an extensive tree, but though I encounter familiar local names — Outlaw, Robbins, Reynolds — it’s inconclusive.

However, when I look at common matches between my grandmother and SVC, many familiar names pop up. One is RM, a Melton descendant, who seems to match a lot of people. There are numerous people who descend from the modern-day Meherrin community, including SJ and DB. These people descend from the Halls, Weavers, Meltons, Nickens, Turners, and other families from that area. I am also a common match. (Surprise!)

Two names  really catch my eye. One is MKL. This is a person who matches on another segment of Chromosome 20 that is painted similarly. I have written about this segment previously. In the case of that segment, at least two common matches descended from William Byrd and Nancy Rogers, who were married in Gates County, North Carolina in 1814. Another interesting common match was GR, who descends from a common ancestor named George Russell, some of whose descendants were described as mulatto in various documents. This might suggest that the link is on the Russell line.

This is not some random couple, by the way. In 1810, George Russell’s son and heir James Russell deeded land to William Byrd in Nansemond County. This is the likely brother of my ancestor Anna Russell. (As there is no will naming her, he could also be her father. Anyway, a close relative.)

1810 – Deed of land James Russell to William Bird was proved by oaths of Washington Smith and Richard Austine

The same William Byrd/Bird was a neighbor of my ancestor Thomas Collins. In 1811, his 75 acres adjoined the land of James Russell and William Bird, son of Daniel Bird.  William Byrd/Bird also acquired 18 acres of land on Bennetts Creek in Gates County in 1807. He sold it two years later to John Powell.

A third interesting common match is RT. She matches on another Native segment on chromosome 6. I have written about that here. Again, a person who descends from the Rogers and Turners.

What I tend to see in looking across trees is not descent from a particular individual, but rather a cluster of families that could reflect the Algonquian absorption into the Iroquoian Nottoway people, the so-called Pochick Nansemond people, the branch that split off from the community at Norfolk and made its home at the intersection of the Nottoway, Blackwater, and Chowan Rivers on the Virginia-North Carolina border. Those two names — Rogers and Turner — were on the sale of the Nansemond Reservation.

If this is the case, then we would be Pochick descendants and that great grandfather of mine you see on your right would resemble one of these long-dead men of the swamps.

State v. Melton and Byrd

IN DECEMBER 1852, the North Carolina Supreme Court upheld the decision of Stanly County Supreme Court that Harris Melton and Ann Byrd were not in violation of state law barring interracial marriages in the 3rd degree when they married, as though Melton was of Indian blood, it could not be said to what degree.

This is an interesting case because the state itself agreed that Harris Melton was at least in part an Indian and in 1852, 50 years after the last Tuscarora supposedly left North Carolina. But it raises questions: Who was Harris Melton and where is Stanly County?

Stanly County is actually located in the central part of the state, east of Charlotte. But Harris Melton and Ann Byrd did not live in Stanly County in 1852. They were living in Rowan County, north of Stanly County, specifically in a community called Gold Hill. Note, in the US Federal Census in 1850, they are both listed as white.

bird melton

Harris Melton was born in 1824 and Ann Bird was born in 1822 according to this data. It doesn’t look like Harris Melton survived until 1860, although perhaps he left the state. Ann Melton is listed in Rowan County that year alone, without any children, aged 40.

It’s hard to know where in North Carolina Harris Melton was born, but his ancestors probably came out of the Bertie County area. Here we find some familiar names in the colonial era.

Anne Bird and husband Barnabee Bird to Benjamin Foreman 10 Mch 1725/6 20 pds for 625 ac on south side Kahukee Swamp adj Richard Melton, Ann Milton. Benjamin to clear and plant an acre of land and build a house by ye last March next coming. Wit. John Williams, Jacob Lewis.

These families were among the early settlers to the territory opened up in the wake of the Tuscarora War, and many of these families produced mixed race children, including the Butlers, Williams, Castellaws, and, notably, Meltons. While the ancestry of these “mulatto” children was not recorded, oral history relates intermarriage with the Tuscarora.

This might be challenged, but the State vs. Melton and Bird case affirms this ancestry as do a slew of deeds involving James Blount, head man of the Tuscarora at Indian Woods.

My own connection to this family cluster is apparently through my Williams line. My ancestor Graham Collins married Nancy Arline, the daughter of Jesse Arline and Mildred Williams. She was the daughter of Jonathan Williams (1747-1816) of Gates County, North Carolina, and perhaps a woman from the Vann family (whose family surrounded the Williams property). This land was located near Sarum, the site of the old Indian school. It’s possible that Jonathan Williams’ mother was a Melton from the Bertie community, and therefore had some Tuscarora ancestry. When I have been tracing the origin of shared Native segments, I continuously encounter this cluster of early Bertie families.

In Bertie, the Meltons had as their neighbor, Thomas Busby, an Indian interpreter to various nations, including the Nottoway and Wyanoaks. In 1682, Thomas Busby, an ancestor of the Bertie County settler based out of Surry County, Virginia, and his household “entertained the heir-apparent to the leadership of the Tuskerorers Indians, and his attendants.” We should not be surprised that Indian families like the Meltons therefore exist, or the Birds/Byrds, Williams, and others for that matter. But their story goes back centuries and is obscured by time. Their indigenous blood, though, is true.

Connections

I’VE WONDERED MYSELF these days what if any is my connection to North Carolina’s indigenous communities. I became obsessed as a teenager in learning about them, in part spurred on by that portrait of my great grandfather, but also because it helped me to learn some deep history of a region where my ancestors had been living at least since the 17th century. It was very hard to understand how uprooted British settlers managed to eke out an existence in the swamps of the Carolinas, and how they managed to do so. Add some Native Americans into the picture and I was hooked.

My own link is very, very tenuous. It’s through my father’s mother, Margaret Pittman (1918-2016), who was actually educated at James Madison University and became a schoolteacher. She was born in 1918. Like most people of any generation, she only knew her family history back a few generations. Our family memory goes back to the Civil War, but no further.

Through her father, Tom Pittman (1896-1971) though, we are connected to the settlers of the Chowan River area, particularly through his mother, Martha Lydia Collins (1877-1945). His father’s family, the Pittmans, were mostly of English ancestry and came from Isle of Wight County, Virginia, migrating south via Southampton County, and then back across the river into Gates County, eventually settling on the state line in about 1870.

As the DNA has more or less confirmed, along with a smattering of paper documents, these Collinses were related to the Halls, Weavers, Basses, Bissells, Meltons, and other families of indigenous descent in the region. It is excruciatingly hard to say through which family, or from which indigenous nation, but we can say, from the same family clusters, which included indigenous individuals. According to GEDmatch calculators, I am something like 0.7 percent Native American, which isn’t a hell of a whole lot, is it?

But of course, I already knew that. I know most of my ancestors come from the Mediterranean and the British Isles in a somewhat distant second place, just as I knew that I had indigenous ancestors, which is the case. I only wish I knew more about them.

The Wyanoak Pierces

ONE ISSUE genealogists encounter time and time again is the prevalence of certain family names in communities. I recall years ago doing research into my Pittman family ancestry and discovering a group of Pittmans living in southern Southampton County, Virginia, almost in the exact area of where my ancestors were later living. But, as I actually did the work, I determined these were likely distant relations passing through the same region into North Carolina. Proximity, and having a similar name, does not necessary mean you just grew another branch of your tree. You have to do the work.

In the nebulous world of Native American genealogy, there is the idea that surnames were a) either adopted by individuals in one group, then spread to others as they were taken in as refugees or b) were spread by traders, meaning that multiple individuals across many groups adopted the same surnames, but were not necessarily related.

Consider the surname Pierce, for instance. Pierce was a name mentioned in Frank Speck’s 1916 work on the Mattamuskeet.

A visit to their old home, however, and persistent inquiry among the settlers of Albemarle and Pamlico sounds, brought to knowledge a few individuals who are descended from Indians who came originally from Pungo river near Mattamuskeet Lake, Hyde county. These are evidently remnants of the Machapunga tribe who have left their name to Pungo River. Those whom I met traced their descent from one Israel Pierce, who was known as a Pungo River Indian.

Roberta Estes, on her blog Native Heritage Project has a lot of information on this Pierce family. However, we must note that it’s just one Pierce family. There may have been others. And while Thomas Pierce is noted as being of Chowan County, there is no evidence to specifically tie him to any Native Pierce families there. In 1710, a Jenny Pierce is named as a Wyanoak Indian woman living at Nottoway Indian Town.

There is some fascinating information in that 1710 deposition, by the way.

  • In the 1660s, the Nansemond Indians murdered the Wyanoak King
  • Busby and Flood were the names of the Nottoway interpreters
  • The Wyanoak King had an English-style house and orchard near the James
  • The Nansemond Town was seated on the Blackwater River
  • The Wyanoak retreated from the James River area and moved to the Roanoke area, eventually living on the Wiccacon, essentially opposite the Chowan Indian Town
  • Here, the Pochick (also known as Nansemond) killed their king (the story is corroborated by the interview with Jenny Pierce, the Wyanoak woman).
  • Then the Wyanoak returned the favor and killed the Pochick king, retreated to Cuttawhiskie (near modern-day Ahoskie)
  • Then the Tuscarora attacked them and they went up to the Blackwater Swamp
  • The Chowans once had lands on the north side of the Blackwater River opposite the Nottoway River

This last part is fascinating, because it places Chowan Indians all the way up in Virginia. This area is now unsettled and surrounded by swamps. It would an interesting location for archaeological investigation (if it hasn’t been attempted yet.) It’s interesting for me that both the Pochick and Tuscarora attacked the Wyanoak, and yet the Nottoway and Chowan took them in. These might have been vendettas of a personal nature, and not related to broader regional politics. What we do know is that Flood and Pierce, two family names that persist in the modern-day Meherrin and Chowanoke communities, were present as far back as the 1710s, if not the 1660s, and that it’s possible these families were originally Wyanoak Indians that were taken in by the Nottoway or Chowan. I’ve been through this area today, and it is still wild and removed from any traces of civilization. Kind of terrifying to think of roaming bands of Pochick or Tuscarora who at any moment might fall upon the Wyanoaks, refugees as they were.

 

The French Huguenots

ONE FORGETS AT TIMES, that all of these mysterious “white people” who invaded the shores of Virginia and North Carolina had languages and national origins as diverse as the people who were already living here. Not that they maintained those identities long. My grandmother — born in 1918 — said most of her ancestors were English or British. But modern-day DNA ancestry testing has told a bit of a different tale.

If you have had family in America over multiple centuries, DNA testing is a remarkably useful avenue for family history discovery. Because, if you are like me, your trees essentially end around the time of the 1790 US Federal Census. And, again, we often do not know or are not certain of the family names of our female ancestors. So many origins that could be ascertained by surname are just not there. Where else to turn but DNA?

The first test I got my grandmother to take was called Genographic 2.0. This test has since been discontinued. Many criticized Geno 2.0, which was administered by National Geographic’s Genographic Project, for not having the coverage of the other admixture tests. However, over time, these results have held up remarkably well. When I received my grandmother’s results back, it said she was 42 percent Northern European, 41 percent Mediterranean, and 16 percent Southwest Asian.

I quickly downloaded the raw data and sent it off to Doug McDonald, who provided the following interpretation back:

French= 0.510  English= 0.473  Iranian= 0.000  NaDene= 0.017 or
French= 0.699    Irish= 0.286 Georgian= 0.000  NaDene= 0.015 or
French= 0.832 Lithuani= 0.151    Druze= 0.000  NaDene= 0.017 or
French= 0.662    Irish= 0.329 Mozabite= 0.000     Maya= 0.009 or
French= 0.660    Irish= 0.331 Armenian= 0.000 Columbia= 0.009 or
French= 0.465  English= 0.524 Georgian= 0.000     Maya= 0.012 or
French= 0.464  English= 0.526   Jewish= 0.000 Columbia= 0.011
French= 0.883  Finland= 0.103 Armenian= 0.000  NaDene= 0.014

“Na-Dene” is Athabaskan. This was the first analysis to show some indigenous American ancestry in my grandmother’s DNA. Usually, it skewed more closely to the Athabaskan samples than the Mesoamerican and South American samples. Using a tool called Oracle-X (also discontinued, from GEDmatch), she had the following results for her kit:

1. Mixed Germanic 90.84%  2. Sardinian 6.43% 3. Ecuadorian 1.45% 4. AthabaskHD4 1.22% 5. MEX30 .02% 6. Colombian .02%

1. Mixed Germanic 89.1% 2. Sardinian 4.95% 3. Ecuadorian 3.53% 4. Aragon 2.29% 5, Ethiopian Jews .01%

While this drew out the indigenous genetic ancestry quite well, it’s worth noting that my grandmother’s first matching European population using McDonald’s calculator was French, not English. This matches the Genographic results, because using their reference populations, if she was mostly British, her Northern European should be closer to 50 percent and her Mediterranean should be closer to 30 percent. Yet in Geno 2.0, they are roughly equal.

Now, let’s break out some other results. Originally, AncestryDNA said she was 61 percent “Europe West,” which was essentially France. This has been replaced by 61 percent England, Wales, and Northwestern Europe. It also shows her to have 22 percent Germanic Europe — which is right in line with having a German grandparent (her grandfather was from Germany, but don’t get too excited, they also don’t typically have a high amount of Mediterranean ancestry). It also says she is 14 percent Ireland and Scotland, and 3 percent Swedish.

I was fortunate enough to upload her kit to 23andMe, after she passed away, and they now provide me with the following results: 35.7 percent British and Irish, 33.7 percent French and German, 5.9 percent Scandinavian. Her French and German results actually show French as the first highly likely match and all around the country, not just in Northern France, which might just indicate Norman ancestry. As for that 2.6 Eastern European, very interesting. The matching reference population on this segment is Tatarstan in Russia. This is an ethnic group from North and Central Asia that migrated from Siberia to western Russia centuries ago. It is possible that the Siberian/Athabaskan result is being read as Tatar by the 23andMe algorithm. I have no other explanation.

I also uploaded the data to MyHeritage. This provides an interesting analysis: 40.8 percent Northwestern European, of which just 14.1 percent is English. 17.6 Southern European, of which 15.9 percent Iberian. And 16.6 percent Eastern European. (It’s my personal opinion that that Siberian/Athabaskan ancestry is causing these algorithms to fit her with populations that have similar amounts of Siberian ancestry.)

Now, for the history part. I had to start wondering — while we generically think of the Europeans who moved into Virginia and North Carolina as being English, were there any French settlers as well? Apparently, French Huguenots had begun to settle the area south of the James River extending south into North Carolina by the middle of the 17th century. This book, FraNCe: The French Heritage of North Carolina, notes that Nansemond County, Virginia, and Gates County, North Carolina, were particular destinations for French Protestants fleeing “the Virginia plantation hegemony.” (Interestingly, it cites George Durant, one of my ancestors, as an example of this particular breed of Frenchman. Durant, anglicized from Durand, may have been from a refugee Huguenot family.)

In looking at my grandmother’s tree, I can find a few hints of what might be French surnames. She has an ancestor named Mary Maget/Majette, and this family actually has a paper trail that goes back to Holland. Supposedly, they were a Huguenot refugee family living in Middelburg, the Netherlands, before they moved to Virginia. But with pedigrees that go back to the late 18th century, it’s hard to tell who came before them or what their names are. However, even though the paper records and the memory of this ancestry has been lost, that does not mean that the genetics changed with it. My grandmother apparently had substantial French ancestry. So when people ask, what was your grandmother’s ancestry, I will feel less confident about saying “English” in the future.

 

People of the Divided Place

THE POCHICK was a name used by what historian Helen Rountree has dubbed the “traditional Nansemond,” who unlike the community at Western Branch, centered on the Bass family, continued to live a traditional life into the 18th century. In her work, she paints a picture of a group mostly severed from its origins, and gradually absorbed into the Nottoway in Southampton County, Virginia, by the end of the 18th century.

There are elements of truth in this, but the historical record paints a rather different picture.

First of all, Rountree is the source of the “Christianized Nansemond” versus “Traditional Nansemond” concept. There is no historical document that speaks of two separate Nansemond communities. What we do know, is that there were various bands of people calling themselves Nansemond living across a rather wide expanse of territory.

There was a Nansemond Indian Town just south of the border in Hertford County, North Carolina. This was later sold, and some Nansemond moved north, adjacent to the Nottoway in the 1740s. In the 1780s, they sold their town to go and live among the Nottoway.

But there were also Nansemond still living at Western Branch, and apparently at communities at Indian Creek in Saint Bride’s Parish in Norfolk and adjacent Indian Creek Canton in Princess Anne County, Virginia, and perhaps down on the Currituck Banks at the Poteskeet Town, in modern day Powells Point.

yeopim

There was also continuous movement between these sites, so that Butler Turner, an Indian man from Western Branch moved down to Saint Bride’s, where he married Euphan Collins, an Indian woman. William Collins, from Western Branch, moved to Winton, near the old Nansemond Indian Town, where he married Jane Bizzell. David Bizzell, meantime, was living among the Basses and Collinses at Western Branch in the 1760s. And Nathan Bissell later claimed to be an Indian in Norfolk, as did members of the Bass and Weaver families.

This was all one community, moving between sites, and intermarrying over the course of several centuries. The genealogies of the Turners and Rogers at the Nottoway Reservation are well known. So there was no severing really, of the Pochick Nansemond from the Christian Nansemond community, and “the Pochick” never really absorbed, assimilated, or vanished. However, today, almost no one uses this term because of the state and federal recognized community names. The Meherrin, reorganized in the 1970s, have adopted an Iroquoian outlook, the Nansemond have maintained their tribal association centered on Bass descendants, and efforts to resurrect the Chowanoke and Yeopim are ongoing.

While it’s hard to tell the origins of the name Pochick, there is a Pochick Avenue in Nantucket, and it has been translated as “where it divides in two.” Pochick in Nantucket refers to a place where the tide divides in two, the so-called Pochick Rip off shore. But it could also mean the same in Pachaug, Connecticut, or Patchogue, Long Island, which are translated the same way, sometimes referring to the division of rivers, or a bend in a river. From Trumbull’s Natick Dictionary:

pohshe, pâhshe, it halves, divides in two, is severed; a half, a part of, some of (as opposed to wame, the whole of), p 11 Ex. 24, 6; 37, 1; Deut. 12, 7; Luke 19, 8; p p Rev. 8, 1; 11, 9,11. See po~. (Cf. Sansk. paksha, a side, half (a month). Zend. pas, y~-pAs/t, one half (Engl. piece). Tamul pag-ir, to divide; F<M, a part. )

See the Cree word pôsko, to cut, tear, break apart, halve. So that pohshe-oke (Pochick) and pohshe-ki (Poteskeet) might mean the same thing. “People of the Divided Place.”